The Committee for the Defense of  Human Rights in the Arabian Peninsula 

Annual Report  2007 

This report documents serious human rights violations in the Arabian Peninsula during 2007

Covering events from January - December 2007 

www.cdhrap.net

Email : info@cdhrap.net

Introduction

The Arabian Peninsula is a country ruled by an absolute monarchy, in which the king is the highest judicial authority, able to rule by decree.

The country is governed according to the Basic Law, which sets out the system of government, and it governs issues not discussed in the Koran, but its authority is subordinate to the monarchy and the religious establishment.

There are no recognized political parties, independent bar associations or national elections .

The fundamental right to freedom of expression is explicitly denied and there is tight control and extensive censorship of the press and other mass media. Traditional democratic institutions do not exist in the country.

The regime subjects to the pressure of the conservative religious establishment, which retain predominance in governmental and judiciary affairs, has opposed the recent reforms.

The Saudi regime's human rights record remained poor. It has attempted to present itself as a promoter and defender of human rights, but its actions belie its own reprehensible conduct at home-conduct which runs afoul not only of international standards, but also of Islamic law and its own domestic law. It also attempts to provide an adequate foundation for the protection of basic human rights, but it fails to protect those rights.

The Saudi regime's record, however, shows these public proclamations of support for the promotion and protection of human rights to be disingenuous.

In practice the Saudi regime has no tolerance for religious minorities and their rights to freedom of worship. Sectarian discrimination against religious minorities occurs widely in  the Arabian Peninsula which injuries to dignity imposed upon people as a consequence of their belonging to another minorities. Extreme sectarian ideologies have helped to create and then reinforce the inequalities.

Due to adopting the Wahhabi version of Islam  by the Saudi regime ( was seen as wildly extreme and its fanatical enmity toward other Muslims and its rejection of long-standing Muslim customs that made it rejected by other Islamic minorities), and sponsoring the notorious religious police (al-Mutawwa'in), all these reasons resulted arrest and detention of people who  practice religions other than the officially sanctioned Sunni Islam (Wahhabi sect).

The Saudi government did not take steps to improve inter-sectarian relations. Its measures were modest, and tensions are rising and generally deepening confessional divisions throughout the  country or spearheaded an effort to promote tolerance and diversity.

Shiite minority continues to subject to sectarian discrimination and it is perceived as an inferior group, this was used to justify blocking access to enjoy with international human rights standards.

The adherents of Shiite minority subject not only to severe political repression, but also to discrimination in employment, education, and government services .

The Saudi regime from the outset marginalized Shiite minority. Shiites remain under-represented in official positions, and students complain of open hostility from Sunni instructors. Jobs in the police and military are rare.

Saudi regime in all continents have whipped up anti-Shiite sentiment. They continue to face obstacles to the free and open observance of their faith.

The Saudi judiciary is not independent and it is subject to influence by the Executive. The Saudi criminal laws are arbitrary and facilitate human rights violations against  the prisoners and detainees .

There are no national elections, except the local elections which were held in the year 2005, but as they were non-partisan elections, no political parties were allowed.

Women face discrimination and violence at the hands of the state. They are prevented from fully exercising their fundamental human rights. Women in the Arabian Peninsula are treated as second-class subject with different legal rights from men. Women have only severely-restricted freedom of movement.

Al-Mutawwa'in have broad discretion to harass anyone not meeting arbitrary standards of propriety.

Saudi regime does not adopt nearly all of the important human rights treaties and conventions in the world. Saudi regime has a lamentable record of formal adoption of the major international human rights agreements and has adopted no other major international agreements relating to human rights.

The Saudi police mistreats prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain persons, hold detainees in prolonged pretrial detention. Torture and abuse of detainees by police, security personnel, and prison guards remained common and persistent.  

The Constitution

There has been no constitution in the country. The Quran and the Sunna constitute the effective constitution of Saudi regime. The Basic law of government which is a series of laws issued in 1992, serves as an informal constitution.

The basic law does not provide citizens the right to change the government and citizens could not exercise this right in practice through free elections .

The king is the head of the regime and he performs legislative and executive functions. He can introduce new laws, amend existing laws or reinterpret them through a royal order. He can also approves and amends international treaties, agreements and regulations by decree. He approves all decisions of the Council of Ministers.

The article 44 of the Basic law of government states that the king shall be the point of reference for the judicial, the executive and the regulatory authorities.

There are no institutional checks on royal authority.  In practice there is no accountability and the king has wide-ranging discretion.

The king is the head of the Council of Ministers. He can veto any decision of the Council of Ministers. He appoints and removes deputy prime ministers, ministers, and other members of the Council of Ministers by royal order. The article 57 (a) of the Basic Law stipulates that the King appoints and relieves deputies of the prime minister and ministers and members of the Council of Ministers by Royal decree.

Although the Basic Law gives authority for the Council of Ministers to take any suitable step to issue a law or regulation as the article 19 of the Ministers Council Law states that, " the Council of Ministers will plan the internal, external, financial, economic, educational and defense policies and all the public affairs of the state, and oversee their implementation. It will look into the decrees of the Consultative council. It will have executive power and it will be the point of reference for financial and administrative affairs in all the ministries and other governmental bodies". But at last it will require the approval of the King as Prime Minister.

The king is the commander in chief of the armed forces. He appoints officers and revokes their duties.

On October 20, 2006  the Saudi regime formed a committee of princes (known as the Allegiance Institution, includes the sons and grandsons of King Abdul Aziz) to vote on the eligibility of future kings and crown princes. According to the rules of the committee, it can vote for one of three princes nominated by the king.

Saudi regime lacks a standard legislature. It only has a Consultative Council which consists of 150 members selected by the king, its members serve for four-year terms. The Consultative Council can be restructured and dissolved by the king.

Saudi Arabia held its first local elections nationwide in 2005, but women were not allowed to vote or run for office.  

The Judicial System

The Saudi judiciary is not independent, though the basic law of the government provides for an independent judiciary, as the article 46 states that: 'The judiciary is an independent authority. There is no control over judges in the dispensation of their judgments except in the case of the Islamic Shari'ah.",but the current policy undermines that independence. The judiciary is subordinated to the authority of the executive authority which has undue influence on judicial appointments. The King appoints the Minister of Justice the supreme Judicial Council, the Judges of the Court of Appeals, and every other judge in the country. These judges also may be removed at any time by royal decree.

The Saudi criminal laws are arbitrary, grossly inconsistent with international human rights standards and fall far short of internationally recognized safeguards. They facilitate human rights violations against  the prisoners and detainees. The criminal laws give excessive powers to the arresting authorities. They are also vague and open to wide interpretation by judges who follow the strict Wahhabi interpretation of Islamic law as a guideline for criminal sentencing. This school of thought requires specific harsh punishments for certain crimes and was regarded as especially rigid by most Muslim jurists.

The Saudi judiciary can not deliver fair and unbiased decisions. The courts are not independent and impartial tribunals and they do not give people an opportunity to a fair hearing. Defendants are denied access to legal counsel and the right to mount their own defense .

The Saudi judiciary is corrupt, judges are corrupt, they are acting with impunity, they can do what they want because nobody can control them.   The Saudi judiciary revealed an unequal application of the law as applied to both Saudi citizens, so, judges have on occasion acceded the power and influence of the royal family and their associates. Moreover, members of the powerful families, are not subject to the same legal constraints as other Saudi.

The Saudi law does not explicitly define which rights citizens may confidently exercise and which conduct is criminal. The lack of codification undermines the existing judicial institutions and increases the potential for abuse.

The  Saudi Judicial law does not guarantee a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal. The detainees are treated differently by reason of their religious beliefs or social standing. Those detained who enjoy a high social status are less likely to suffer violations of their human rights.

In political cases, trials not only are closed but are secret as well.  There are no trials at all for those suspected of political offenses, they were subjected to sham trials to legitimize the arrests. Because the trials of political defendants are secret, the defendants are unable to challenge before a higher tribunal the lawfulness of their arrests, imprisonment, or convictions. They are kept in strict incommunicado detention without access to lawyers, family, or friends.

Defense attorneys are not allowed in courtrooms and the accused usually appears alone.

On 14 November 2007, the Qatif General Court issued a severe sentence against a 19-year-old Shi'ite woman from the town of Qatif in the Eastern Province. The victim was abducted and raped by seven men in 2006, and was sentenced last year to 90 lashes for meeting with an unrelated male, the seven rapists received sentences ranging from 10 months to five years in prison.

The General Court increased the sentence to 200 lashes and six months in prison and ordered the rapists to serve between two and nine years in jail, the court alleged that the girl spoke to the media about the case.

The Court of Cassation rejected the appeal of victim's lawyer, Abdulrahman al-Lahim, to reduce the severe sentence but he failed and his license to practice law suspended and facing a ministry of justice disciplinary committee . It is obvious that the court decision against the victim and her lawyer based on sectarian effects because the lawyer and the victim are members of the Shiite faith.

On December 15, a teacher in a primary school was given 30 lashes in front of the students and staff according to the Jeddah Court's decision because he hit a pupil and caused a harm for him.

In January 2007, a Saudi court in the northern city of Juf forcibly divorced a lawfully married couple (Fatima `Azzaz, 34 year old and Mansour al-Timani) in absentia. Her brothers had filed a lawsuit demanding their sister's marriage be annulled 'on the grounds that (the married couple) were tribally incompatible.' The court ruled that Timani's tribal lineage was socially inadequate for him to marry 'Azzaz, essentially declaring that the marriage could harm the reputation of 'Azzaz's family since Timani is of a lower social class. In August, governorate officials detained 'Azzaz and her two children in Dammam Public Prison because of her unwillingness to return to her half-brothers, whom she fears because of violence directed against her and a history of family disputes. In April, she transferred to another detention center in Dammam under administration of the Ministry of Social Affairs.

In September, a court in the city of (Hafer al-Baten) ordered the woman (Shawq, daughter of tribal Sheikh Mukhlef Deham al-Shimmary) to cut off from her daughter, aged two months for her husband, who has previously been forced to separate from her during her arrest inside the house by her husband.

She has forcibly been separated from her daughter following a court case initiated by her husband using his powers as her guardian. After complained police to return her daughter, her case were transformed to an appeal court which issued a verdict in favor of the mother. 

Elections

There are no national elections, except the municipal elections which were held in the year 2005 (participation was reserved for male citizens only (to elect the members of 178 municipal councils. The other half will be appointed by the government., but as they were non-partisan elections, no political parties were allowed.

Although the electoral law for municipal elections was formulated in 1977 but has not been put to use until municipal elections were held.

Municipal elections results are difficult to interpret because candidates ran as individuals, not as members of parties.

The women were excluded  from participation in the municipal elections and they were not allowed to vote or stand as candidates, the justification for their exclusion was the logistical problems related to the lack of photo identification cards for women and the difficulty of staffing separate voting centers for them. 

Freedom of Speech

Although the Basic Law of Government provides for freedom of speech and of the press as in article 39 which states that, "Information, publication, and all other media shall employ courteous language and the state's regulations, and they shall contribute to the education of the nation and the bolstering of its unity. All acts that foster sedition or division or harm the state's security and its public relations or detract from man's dignity and rights shall be prohibited. The statutes shall define all that." ; however, the government restricted these rights in practice.

Also the article 3 of law of printing and publication states that "The aim of printing and publication is call to Islam, noble manners, leading to all that is good and proper and spreading of culture and knowledge shall be among the purposes of printed matters and publication". But the law governs press issues and the authorities stipulate dismiss or imprisonment for criticism of the members of the Government, and foreign heads of state.

The Ministry of Information must approve the appointment of, and may remove, all senior editors.

In November 2006,Qienan al-Ghamdi, the former editor of the daily Al-Watan newspaper of the government was forced to resign without reasons. He has already dismissed in 2002 from his position when he was head of the mentioned newspaper, after the news in the newspaper that the American forces used military bases in the country.

In April 2006, the authorities fired journalist Fawwaz al-Turki from his post in the daily Arab News newspaper due to an article discussing acts of state terrorism and crimes against humanity committed by the Indonesian military during its occupation of East Timor from 1975 to 1999. He has been warned previously for criticizing Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in the paper.

There are “red lines” the press does not cross, including criticism of the royal family and religious issues .

The Government owned and operated the radio and television companies and most of the newspaper publishing houses. The print media are privately owned but publicly subsidized

On August 29, Saudi authorities banned the distribution of al-Hayat, because of a column criticizing the agriculture ministry’s handling of the mysterious death of some 2,000 camels and articles critical of the health ministry following the death of a young girl after a medical operation.

The government also monitors Internet news programs to ensure adherence to the government policies. It blocked access to selected Internet sites that contained information deemed politically sensitive and it also monitors e-mail and Internet chat rooms.

On December 10, some members of al-Mabahith al-'Amma of Jeddah arrested Fouad Ahmed al-Farhan, a 32-year-old, a blogger runs the site Alfarhan, at the Jeddah office of the IT company he owns. Security police later confiscated his laptop from his home. The Saudi authorities accused him of writing about the political prisoners in Saudi jails and running an online campaign promoting their issue .

The Security Affairs Commission in the Ministry of Interior also has blocked all the websites of Saudi human rights organizations in Saudi Arabia or abroad . As ( The Committee for Defense of Human Rights in the Arabian Peninsula (CDHRAP), Saudi Affairs, Safhat Byanat, Human Rights First Committee). 

The Blocked Websites

Human Rights First Committee, Rasid Net, Ya Hussain web site, Rafed Net, Shi'a Net,  UK based Islamic Reform Movement (IRM), The sites of al-Islamic Tajdeed, al-Qala'a, al-Haramain for Islamic Media, The Committee for Defense of Human Rights in the Arabian Peninsula (CDHRAP), Hajar web net, Wadi Najran Net,  the U.S.-based Saudi Institute, Saudi Information Agency, al-Shi'I al-Ghaiour Net, al-Hewar al-Motamaden Net. 

Reformists

On February 2, the Saudi General Intelligence (al-Mabahith al-'Amma)  arrested a group of prominent advocates of political and constitutional reform. They were meeting in the villa of lawyer `Isam al-Basrawi' in Jeddah, and call themselves "advocates of a civil society" advocate an Islam-based constitutional monarchy and demanded the introduction of a parliament "elected by all adults, men and women .

They were transported to a Mabahith prison about 30 kilometers northeast of Jeddah near `Isfan.   They are :

1- Sulaiman al-Rashudi, an elderly former judge, and human rights activist.

2- `Isam al-Basrawi, a lawyer and a social activist.

3- Hussain al-Sadiqi, Moroccan, Basrawi’s assistant.

4- Dr. Abd al-`Aziz al-Khuraiji, a well-known social figure and human rights activist.

5- Dr. Abd al-Rahman al-Shumairi, a university professor and a human rights activist.

6- Abdul Rahman Khan, educational researcher and human rights activist..

The Saudi regime alleged that those arrested were involved in collecting money to send Saudi youth to “disturbed areas,”.  The detainees have been denied the right to meet with their lawyers to inform them about their detention and about the details of the accusations they are charged with.

One of the detainees' son (Hisam al-Basrawi) has tried to visit his father (`Isam al-Basrawi), who is disabled and relies on his personal assistant’s help to move around, but his attempts have been unsuccessful.

On September 20, Saudi authorities released the lawyer (`Isam al-Basrawi) according to the Jeddah hospital's report which referred he was effected with cancer  .

On February 12, other of advocates of a civil society arrested in Jeddah include Dr. Musa al-Qarni, a university professor and a social activist, Sa`ud Mukhtar al-Hashimi a medical doctor, Saif al-Din Shahin al-Sharif, a social activist and Fahd al-Qarshi, a social activist.

On February 3, Mabahith officers briefly detained Sa`ud’s brother Usama al-Hashimi when he refused to allow them entry to Sa`ud’s house without a search warrant.

On October 10, Matrouk al-Faleh, human rights activist, said that he was faced with an assassination  by al-Mabahith al-'Amma through making up traffic incident .

On December 13, members of al-Mabahith al-'Amma of Jouf  arrested the human rights activist ( Mansour Salim al-Otha) at his home.  His family has been denied information about his the accusations he is charged with. 

Freedom of Assembly

The Basic Law of Government does not contain any reference to freedom of assembly. Under Saudi regulations, all demonstrations are banned unless expressly sanctioned by the government ; such sanction is given only after authorities are satisfied that they would be in support of government actions or policies.

In July 2006 the Saudi authorities banned some Shi'a citizens to demonstrate in support of Hizbullah in towns of Qatif and Safwa in the Eastern Province.

On December 29, the Saudi domestic intelligence forces of Dammam forcibly dispersed public demonstrations held by dozens of prayers of al-Forqan mosque who had been peacefully demonstrating after the Friday Prayer against the Saudi government's human rights violations and advocating political reform. The demonstration had been called by Saad al-Faqih, a London-based Saudi who heads the dissident Movement for Islamic Reform. The police forces blocked access to side streets leading to the mosque and made a human band round the demonstration. 

Freedom of Religion

The Saudi regime's respect for freedom of religion remained poor. It does not protect the freedom of religion, despite the Basic law of government stipulates in the article 23 that : " The state protects Islam; it implements its Shari'ah; it orders people to do right and shun evil; it fulfills the duty regarding God's call.", but the citizens could not exercise this right in practice. The public practice of worship  is severely restricted in practice to all but those who adhere to the state-sanctioned version of Sunni Islam.

The Saudi government’s arrest and detention of Shiite adherents solely on the basis of their religion is a violation of this law. In addition, some of these arrests violate Saudi Arabia’s obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which obligates Saudi regime give all citizens the right to freedom of religion," Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance." (Article 18). 

Sectarian Discrimination

Shiites have subjected to a long-standing discrimination. They are the largest minority in the country. They estimates range from fifteen to twenty percent of a total population . They are concentrated in the oil-producing Eastern Province .

The ill–treatment of the Shiite minority ranges from employment discrimination, restrictions on travel, and harassment of students returning from study abroad, to massive arbitrary arrests and detention and the destruction of Shiite religious buildings.

The Saudi regime had launched campaign of intimidation, economic and cultural repression, and terror against Shiites, and  a traditional government disregard to their demands for social justice .

Whereas the Saudi regime either deny practicing human rights violations or portray them as rare aberrations, the repression that Shiite adherents face is often openly in the name of heterodoxy.

Shiite religious practices are not seen by Saudi regime as right,but as a wrong or sin or ideological deviation, or a betrayal of the strictly conservative version of Sunni Islam enforced by the Government .

In the Arabian Peninsula, Shi'a citizens have been labeled none Moslem. The Shi`a historically have been regarded by the Wahhabi clerics as non-Muslims or infidels.

Saudi regime seeks not only to exclude Shi'a citizens from Islam,but also to deny that they are Saudi citizens.

Shi`a adherents subject to very sever consequences if there are found publicly practicing certain aspects of their religion.

The Saudi authorities are very intolerant of any Shi`a activism, and were extremely suspicious of any activity in the Shi`a community.  

Discrimination in Education

The Saudi regime discriminated against Shiites in the system of education. Shi'a students experienced discrimination within the primary and secondary school systems.

The Saudi system of education, however, is still administered in a manner which restricts educational opportunities for Shi'a students and does not provide equal access to universities.

A lot of Shi'a children have no access to education, others who had chances to have access to education, study in schools where they endure bad conditions and daily assaults on their dignity by Wahabi teachers, in violation of the rights guaranteed to them under the International human rights standards.

The facilities for schools in Eastern Province are markedly inferior those provided for other provinces. The Saudi system of education demonstrates its inherent inequality. Shiites are deprived access to education of any type or at any level., and limited to education of an inferior standard. The Saudi regime does not provide a teaching staff and facilities of the same standard, or afford the opportunity to take the same or equivalent courses of study.

The rate of Shi'a students is little compared to students from other Islamic sects. Among the reasons for this very low percentage is the education system which based on discrimination against Shiites.

Discrimination is exclusion or preference made on the basis of religion which has the effect of impairing equality of opportunity or treatment in education.

For example, it was estimated that Shiites comprise 2 percent of professors at a leading university in Al-Ahsa, an area that is at least 50 percent Shiites. Also in Al-Ahsa, it was estimated that there were five Shi'a principals at the several hundred boys' schools and no Shi'a principals at the several hundred girls' schools. Although Shi'a principals were also underrepresented in Qatif. The Saudi schools are promoting a brand of religious intolerance .

The Saudi textbooks containing prejudicial religious statements content disparaging of Islamic groups. Many books retained language that was intolerant of Shiite religious beliefs which contain teaching materials and statements of intolerance towards Shiite minority and other religious groups, and such statements were made by public officials and teachers, who hold extremist religious views.

The educational materials also have references disparaging to other religious traditions. Saudi textbooks are hostile to Shiites, characterizing the faith as a form of heresy and promote violence against Shiite citizens. The regime does not take measures to remove the references to other religious traditions from some educational curricula.

For example, the Ministry of Education published the book of (Tawhid, Dr. Sheikh Saleh Ibn Fawzan Al-Fawzan the member of the so-called ( Committee of Senior Ulema) for the 12th-grade . It propagates an ideology of hate toward the "rafidah (rejectionists)," that is, Shiites and Sunni Muslims who do not follow Wahhabi doctrine and others.

Some religious education teachers told their students that Shiite practices were un-Islamic and that Shi'a students must follow Sunni traditions to be true Muslims, others told their students that Shiites were not Muslims, but rather Kufaar (unbelievers) or Rafidah (rejectionists). The prejudicial questions on exams and some teachers continued to use anti-Shiite rhetoric, such as calling Shi'a students infidels or polytheists.

Public school students at all levels receive mandatory religious instruction based on the Government's interpretation of Sunni Islam. Shiite teachers are not permitted to teach certain courses in schools, such as history or religion, even in predominantly Shiite areas.

The Saudi regime imposed a ban on establishing Shi`a religious schools. The Government does not recognize several Hawzat (centers of Shiite religious instruction) located in the Eastern Province, recognize certificates of educational attainment for their graduates, or provide their graduates employment, all of which it does for Sunni religious training institutions, it also prevents them to travel abroad  to continue their religious studying.

On September 26, the General Administration for Girls Education in Al Ahsa′ issued a decision stated to dismiss a feminine student from the secondary school for girls in al-Mobarraz town . The student ( Khadija Ahmed Saeed Saleh,  14-years-old) was from Shiite minority of  Al Ahsa′, accused of insulting one of the Prophet's companions .

On September 23, the General Administration for Girls Education fired a Sunni feminine teacher (Amal al-Shituawi) of al-Qadieh Secondary School in al-Ahsa city who made positive statements about Shi`a sect and its faiths in front of students . After two months, the Administration reappointed her in another school in a Sunni town. 

Employment Discrimination

Discrimination made on the basis of religion has an effect of impairing equality in employment or occupation.

The Shiites of Arabian Peninsula are discriminated against in employment. The Saudi regime in particular practices discrimination against Shiites by excluding them from most government employment, especially in jobs with national security implications. Consistent with this policy, employment opportunities for Shiites are extremely limited.

Shi'a citizens are not afforded equal pay and the same professional opportunities as their Sunni counter parts, even they are able to pursue advanced degrees and professional careers.

The Saudi government imposed a ban on hiring any Shiites at Aramco. So Aramco began rejecting them for employment. The result is massive unemployment among Shiites. 

Shi`a Mosques and Husseinats

Shiites in the Eastern Province are not allowed to build new mosques nor allowed to expand or remodel existing mosques. The Saudi regime also prohibits Shiites from building new Husseinats (religious community halls), where they conduct funeral ceremonies and other religious services.  It also refuses to grant permission to build new halls.

Shiite mosques in mixed neighborhoods were required to recite the Sunni call to prayer, which is distinct from their own, during prayer times.

The Committee for the Propagation of Virtue and Discouragement of Vice issued a stern warning to the Shi`a Imams to abide by the " legitimate" call to prayer. The warning promised the violators severe punishment. In addition, although Shiites combine two of the daily five Sunni prayers, Shiite businessmen were often forced to close their shops during all five prayer times, in accordance with Sunni practices.

The government also forbids Shi`a religious scholars from publishing their teachings and prohibits the importation of any Shi`a books into the country. Similarly, there is a ban on religious audio cassettes. Those caught with Shi`a books, audio cassettes, or even pictures of Shi`a leaders are imprisoned and their possessions confiscated and destroyed. 

Expiatory Fatwas

Although the Saudi regime claims discourage sedition and disunity according to the article 12 which states that : " The consolidation of national unity is a duty, and the state will prevent anything that may lead to disunity, sedition and separation. ", but the Saudi regime is adopting the sectarian discrimination through direction to religious preachers and clerics of the government  to issue inflammatory fatwas against the Shiite minority, which holds all types of hatred that has contributed to inflame the sectarianism, and plant the seeds of sedition and disunity among Muslim population of the Arabian Peninsula.

Some imams (Prayer Leaders) issued intolerant fatwas or make religious statements that promote intolerance, violence, or hatred, especially against Shiites. These fatwas pose a grave threat not only the population of the Arabian Peninsula but the neighbor countries and they led Muslim Youths to join with the so-called Jihad against Moslems in other countries.

On December 7, 2006, Senior Council of Ulema member Sheikh Abdel-Rahman al-Barrak issued a fatwa published on his website that defined "Shiites" as non-Muslims, which many viewed as grounds for violence against Shiites. He said in that fatwa, “The rejectionists (Shiites) in their entirety are the worst of the Islamic nation’s sects. They bear all the characteristics of infidels . They are in truth polytheist infidels, though they hide this. The Sunni and Shiite schools of Islam are opposites that can never agree; there can be no coming together”.

On 23 September, the so-called "Call and Guidance" center of Maddina distributed free book on public near al-Baqee' Graveyard for the hardline Saudi cleric( Sulaiman  al-Karashi (. That book  espoused an anti-Shiite and supremacist outlook and see Shiites as the enemy. 

On 23 September, Sheikh Abdul Hadi Abdul Lateef  al-Saleh, the head of Islamic Research Department of Education college in al-Hofoof University,  issued a fatwa forbidding Shi'a carcasses,  but on the other hand, legalizing the carcasses of Jews and Christians .

On 23 September, in a celebration was held by the governorate of Riyadh,   Dr. Sheikh Saleh Ibn Fawzan Al-Fawzan the member of the so-called ( Committee of Senior Ulema) attacking Shiite, calling them "rejectionists" called people to (Be dissociated from Shiites, they are infidels, hate them for their religion, leave them, never rely on them for support, do not admire them, and always oppose them in every way according to Islamic law.) . He urged Saudi government to call Shiite who lived in Qatif, al-Madina al-Munawwara and Najran to the true Islam, unlike, it should force them to do that.

Abdullah Ibn Abdur-Rahmaan al-Jibreen, also called the King Abdullah to prevent Shiites from entering the diplomatic corps, military and non-designate senior positions in the state and continue to crush their children in universities and jobs.

The Saudi government funds the mosques and the research centers; and trains imams who became radicalized chaplains in Saudi mosques, and as it introduced Wahhabism to the schools and the universities.

Religious institutions and Islamic schools, are a particular concern, for these foster and train a hostile generation.

These publications pose a grave threat to Muslims and the materials instill a doctrine of religious hatred.

Some of the clergy in Saudi religious establishment allegedly refused compromising Islamic principles, and they claim that the State's policy based on the Koran and the Sunnah.  

Arbitrary Arrest and Detention

The Saudi regime exercises a negative policy towards individuals who suspicious of adopting political attitudes contrary to the regime's policy even they fall among the climate of political reforms.

Although the Law of Criminal Procedure prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention as the article 2 states that,"  No person shall be arrested, searched, detained, or imprisoned except in cases provided by law.", and the Basic Law of Government which its article 38 states that " Penalties shall be personal and there shall be no crime or penalty except in accordance with the Shari'ah or organizational law. There shall be no punishment except for acts committed subsequent to the coming into force of the organizational law. ", however, the security forces conducted large-scale arrests and detained many individuals without giving information about the reasons for arrest or charges. The prisoners are held incommunicado for months and not allowed access to family or lawyers.

On 21 October  the Saudi authorities of Al-Ahsa arrested the citizen (Hussain Naser al-Ali, 37 years) from the village of Rumaila in Al-Ahsa due to sponsoring a religious salon in his private house used for religious activities .

On October 21, the Saudi General Investigation arrested the religious scholar ( Sheikh Ali Hussain al-Ammar) from Battaliyah of al-Ahsa. He was a teacher of al-Ahsa Hawzat (center of Shi'a religious instruction) and the supervisor of the feminine  Hawzat. He was released next day and given no information about the reasons for arrest .

On November 1, Saudi police arrested the citizen (Mustafa Sayyed Hassan al-Ali, 34 years, governmental employee) from Rumailah village of al-Ahsa on the charge of participating in a commemorative congregation in the Husseiniyat of the village. He was released on 10 November.

Sayyed  Hussain Hashim al-Salman, 34 years, governmental employee, was arrested on 11 November at his house in Rumailah village of al-Ahsa,  under the charge of participating in the celebration of Maulid (birthday) of Imam Mahdi (AS).  

The General Intelligence (al-Mabahith al-amma) in al-Ahsa arrested on November 18,  the Shi'a citizen ( Sayyed Yousif Kadhom al-Ali, 28 years) the son of Shiite religious scholar (Sayyed Kadhom al-Ali) from Rumailah village of al-Ahsa for the charge of engaging in peaceful in the village.

On 21 November, some members of al-Mabahith al-'Amma of al-Ahsa city in the Eastern Province arrested Shi'a citizen (Ali al-Dawood, 28 years, a teacher) from the village of al-Iqar of al-Ahsa and his wife with the charge of distributing sweets during the celebration of birthday of Imam Mahdi (AS).  

The Saudi internal security forces, in al-Ahsa city in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia arrested on 21 November, 2007 Shi'a citizen ( Yaseen al-Jobara, 32 year, an employee) from the village of al-Iqar in al-Ahsa in charge of distributing sweets and decorating some places in the village during the occasion of the birthday of Imam Mahdi (AS). 

Prison Conditions

Saudi prisons and jails generally do not meet internationally accepted standards and overcrowded (up to 200 prisoners might share a single room), unsanitary, and not air-conditioned.

Inmates slept on a bare floor; in some cases, they were provided with a pad, but no mattress. They had to supply their own blankets. There was little ventilation and a hole in the floor served as a lavatory. Prisoners were liable to suffer heat stroke and sometimes complained of difficulty in obtaining adequate medical treatment.

Political prisoners are held in prolonged detention without trial, and routinely tortured during interrogations.

Relatives and lawyers often were unable to obtain access to prisons for visits. Restrictions were placed on visits to prisoners incarcerated for political crimes, limiting the number of visits allowed for each prisoner and the total number of visitors allowed in the prison at one time.

The Saudi regime does not allow members of international human rights groups of any type access to prisons, where persons accused of political subversion are detained. There was systematic abuse of political prisoners by guards and the power of arrest and detention, but the authorities neither conduct investigation of abuse nor remove offending guards or punish individual officers who violate regulations.

On 15 March, two Yemeni prisoners ( Ahmad Abdah Jibran, detained since 15, September 2004) and ( Omar Abd Rabbah al-Othaly, detained since 29, March 2004 ) in Al-Malaz prison began a hunger strike to protest mistreatment and bad conditions at the prison.

On June 23, inmates at Oleisha prison began a hunger strike to protest conditions at the prison . The prisoners' complaints included mistreatment, inadequate medical care, poor sanitation, and limits on visitors. Some of them served years behind bars without trial or even formal charges against them .

On 13 September, some juveniles in the reformatory of al-Madina al-Munawwarah, protested against their remain in jail and they were not pardoned by the newly crowned King Abdullah on occasion of Ramadan.

On November 20, the prisoners of the General Prison in al-Ahsa, have gone on hunger in protest at an assault by prison guards on them during night, which caused clashes between them and the guards. The director of the prison called a unity of special force which forcibly dispersed the protest.

On November 20, a prison guard in al-Ahsa Prison contributed a book in the prison which included insults to Shiits and their faiths. That book made a sectarian congestion between Sunni and Shiite inmates, which is about to turn to clashes between them.

On November 21, the detainee ( Mohammad al-Saree'I, 31 years) being held at Beesha prison, committed suicide by hanging himself in his cell. The General Prison authorities alleged that the prisoner had been diagnosed with a psychiatric condition.

On December 15, the citizen ( Nasir al-Haqbani) accused the reformatory of al-Hair that the officials did not transferred his son ( Ra'ed al-Haqbani, 21 years) to a hospital, which caused infection with foot-and-mouth disease. After the decline of his health, he was rushed to the Central Hospital of Riyadh with quite faint. 

Forgotten Prisoners ( languishing in jail)

1- Hani Abdul Rahim al-Saygh, 36, from al-Qatif / Sihat  October 1999

2- Abdullah Ahmad al-Jarrash, from al-Qatif  / al-Qala'a, August 1996

3-Hussain Moghayis, 33, from al-Qatif / al-Bahari,  April  1996

4-Abdul Karim Hussein al-Nemer,  45, al-Dammam,  November 1999

5- Sayyid Mostafa alQassab, 36, from al-Qatif  / Mayyas, 1997

6- Sayyid Fadhel al-Alawi, 32, from al-Qatif / al-Jaroudiyah, April 1996

7-Mustafa Ja`far al-Mo`llim, 28,from al-Qatif / al-Jaroudiyah, April 1996

8-Ali al-Marhoon, 32, from al-Qatif /al-Jaroudiyah,  April 1996

9-Salih Mahdi Ramadhan,  32, from al-Qatif /al-Jaroudiyah,  April 1996. 

Torture

The Saudi detention enforcement authorities violate the articles of the criminal procedure code which the article 2 of it states that an arrested person “shall not be subjected to any bodily or moral harm” or to “any torture or degrading treatment”. The article 38 of the Basic Law which states that " Penalties shall be personal and there shall be no crime or penalty except in accordance with the Shari'ah or organizational law. There shall be no punishment except for acts committed subsequent to the coming into force of the organizational law."

Torture is used frequently to extract confessions which can be used to obtain convictions and sometimes for discipline, which violates the  Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) .

The imposition of flogging sentences by Saudi courts which range from dozens to thousands of lashes are legal punishments inconsistent with Shri'a (Islamic Laws) and considered to be torture under international law.

In June 2006, the prisoner (Mo'naz al-Dosary) died in prison of al-Hair under torture while being held in custody. He was subjected to dangerous hits on his head by prison guards, then rushed to hospital where died there. The hospital released a report alleged that his death was normal.

In the same month, some prisoners (Saudi citizen "Abdullah al-Harithy" and three foreign prisoners) reportedly died under torture in the Breeman General Prison in Jeddah.

On  May 12, the prisoner (Ahmed Al Bulawi Bulawi, 50 years) died under torture while being held for questioning in one of the Muttawa's offices in the city of Tabuk. The officers from the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice or the Muttawa are accused of responsibility for the death of Al Bulawi.

Suleiman al-Hareesi, 28 years, from Riyadh died on 23 May 1999 while being held in custody of the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice under the hands of four Muttawa who alternately beat him until death.  There has been no official report on his case. 

The common methods of torture in Saudi Prisons

* Insult the detainee, his faiths, his sacred ideologies and his family members.

* Telling him bad news in order to exhaust him psychologically.

* Spitting on the detainee’s face.

* Conducting the interrogation with the detainee while he is naked.

* Beating by sticks, batons, plastic cords, makeshift whips and electric flex on the soles of feet, hands and other parts of body. The victims suffer bruises, internal bleeding, broken bones, lost teeth, ruptured organs .

* Pulling out the finger nails by pincers.

* Clipping the parts of the detainee’s body particularly breasts by clippers or put them between tow keys and pressing on them fiercely.

* Threatening the detainee with sexual assault, his wife or his sister before him .

* Sleep deprivation and exposure to extremes of heat or cold .

* Prolonged standing which causes swelling of the legs .

* Submersion in water .

* Stubbing out of cigarettes on the body .

* Deprivation access to a toilets which causes a perforated colon, hemorrhoids and a ruptured bladder .

* Thrust the shoe into the mouth.

* Using electric batons and electric chairs.

* Suspending the detainee upside down with his feet tied to a fan ceiling while it is turning and during winter they turn on air conditioner.

* Pulling out the facial and chest hair.

* Dipping the head of the detainee in dirty water or in the toilet .

* Offering dirty food for him includes insects which causes severe colic.

* Depriving the detainee from taking a shower during the period of interrogation when he is in the solitary confinement.

* Burning with a hot iron.

* Using scissors to tear the skin of body from back. 

Ratification of International Conventions

The Saudi regime has not become a party to most of the important international human rights instruments now accepted throughout the world.

It has claimed that fundamental principles of Islam prohibit its acceptance of many international human rights international human rights instruments, but in fact, there is no fundamental contradiction between the teachings of Islam and respect for human rights .

Saudi regime has a lamentable record of formal adoption of the major international human rights agreements and has adopted no other major international agreements relating to human rights.

It has not subscribed to any of the principal covenants or conventions which require formal reporting or accountability for human rights practices. Saudi regime, for example, has not acceded to the two fundamental human rights treaties, the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.  These Covenants are two of the most fundamental human rights instruments in the world.

Saudi regime, has never supported the conventions for freedom of association and collective bargaining and the conventions against racial discrimination, torture, and discrimination against women. 

Recommendations

The Saudi Regime should :

* Issue a permanent constitution, clarifying the basic principles of government and of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled and stating the basic rights of citizens .

* The investigation of all aspects of the judicial system and areas of competence ; modernizing its laws and taken every necessary step to guarantee independence of the judiciary.

* Commitment to total equality among all citizens in all aspects of their life, without distinction based on ethnic, tribal, sectarian or social origins.

* Grant Muslim women their rights to share in numerous fields of public life within the Islamic laws (Shari`a) and to allow them to participate in building society.

* Reform educational system .

* Apply justice and equality, rights granted and duties assigned in full equality among all citizens .

* Ensure the rights of individuals and society, elimination all forms of restriction on people's rights, to ensure the enjoyment of human dignity.

* Government officials, especially those occupying the highest positions, whose corruption or dereliction are proven must be diligently scrutinized and must be made accountable with no exceptions regardless of any other consideration .

* Ratify international and regional treaties which seek to strengthen protection against the torture or ill-treatment .

* Establish effective independent mechanisms to monitor the actions of law enforcement officials so that complaints of torture, ill-treatment and discrimination within the criminal justice system can be properly investigated and appropriate remedies implemented.

* Act with due diligence to protect children, women, and racial minorities and other groups facing discrimination against violence at the hands of non-state actors .